R. B. Herath's Book Presentation

December 15th, 2002

Reverend Sirs, Honourable MP for Surrey Central, SANSAD and INSAF President , other distinguished guests, and My Dear brothers and sisters, and children:

 

You have already heard a lot about this new book, Sri Lankan Ethnic Crisis: Towards a Resolution, including some reviews. More reviews will follow. I leave it to the readers and reviewers to talk

about its strengths and weaknesses. On my part, I must say, it is a mission accomplished.

 

First, I would like to talk a little about why and how I wrote this book, and thereafter, what I think, it has to offer.

I do not remember when exactly I started this book project. I only know many, many writings authored and co-authored by me from the time of my student days stressed the need for all the ethnic groups in Sri Lanka to live and work together as one family. As the Podujana Party leader, I addressed many public meetings practically in all the major towns and cities of Sri Lanka, and, at the end of each of them, chanted with the audience a eight-word, very short message of LOVE AND PEACE in both Sinhala and Tamil, and sometimes in English too.

"One Lanka - One Nation, One nation - One Family"
In Sinhalese "….."
In Tamil "………."

About the same period, my wife and I also wrote a book of poems for the children of Sri Lanka with a similar message of LOVE AND PEACE, in a child's diction. The name of this book was Desappremayen Odavadiva Darudariyanta Kavivalinma Liyu Lipiyak (in translation, it reads 'A Letter to our Children in poems written through patriotism). Some of you heard me reading from this book at this year's Canadian National Book Fair held in Vancouver on the 29th of September.

When the ethnic divisiveness among Sri Lankans finally turned into a separatist war, writing an up-to-date and comprehensive book on the Crisis became a top priority. And, as the war escalated claiming more and more lives, I went on gearing up myself in my efforts to complete it. This went on for years, and at one point, I remember, I was not sure if or when I would be able to complete the book at the rate I was working on. So I had to find extra time from my daily schedule. Finally, I found that I could find that extra time only if I got up early in the morning. Since then, I got used to getting up at about 3:00 O'clock in the morning and spending few hours of quality time on the book project, before leaving for the day-job. I also spent at least two to three hours in the evenings.

This kind of time management over the last few years, indeed, helped complete this book. But this was, certainly, not without any pain. By all this, in a way, I have been quite a pest to my immediate family. They could not sleep in the early hours of the day, because of the frequent noises coming from my computer, printer, and washrooms, and sometimes even from the kitchen. The moment they were finally up, after a disturbed sleep, I was there reading to them, especially to my wife, whatever I had written hoping to get some immediate comments. As some of you have noticed, we have failed to attend many social and religious functions, other community events, parties, dinners, and so on.

My direct exposure to the governing systems of a number of countries helped me understand different ways how people address ethnic issues. Then, my personal research with the help of available resource material, one to one and group discussions, contacts with academics and experts in the related fields, and studies at South Asian forums sponsored by SANSAD and INSAF helped me see through the Sri Lankan ethnic crisis in a clearer manner. At the same time, all that also helped me see a way to end the crisis, and make Sri Lanka a greatest democracy in the modern world.

I must, however, say that I am not naive to believe that all readers will agree 100% with what is said in this book. Not even some of those who helped me write it could agree on some major issues. Nevertheless, I learnt a lot from everyone I talked to, through both agreements and, indeed, disagreements. Having published the book, I now welcome constructive criticism and comments from those who get a chance to read it.

At the same time, I must also say that one will have to read the whole book to reasonably understand its message. Otherwise, the reader could easily get bogged down in some controversial and sensitive issues discussed, and completely misunderstand or not understand the main message. I strongly urge the readers to read the book in full, and not get into a situation like a vision-impaired person trying to imagine what an elephant looks like by merely touching a small part of its tail or trunk.

On the whole, I think that this book would help broaden the horizon of everyone interested in a permanent solution to the Sri Lankan crisis.

At the time the manuscript came to its final form, I managed to contact Trafford Publishing that could undertake its immediate printing and worldwide online distribution. So, now, after all these years of hard, hard work, I am pleased to see a final product.

In my own opinion, what this book does is that it presents all the pertinent details about the Sri Lankan crisis in a concise manner, giving all Sri Lankans, I mean all Sri Lankans, not limiting to the leaders of the Sri Lankan government and the separatist forces, an opportunity to take part in a dialogue about the future of their country. These details include the historic context of the crisis, factors that influence the crisis, how some other democracies in the world avoid such crises, and what may be possible for Sri Lankans for their future.

Learning the historic context of the crisis is not that easy. This is because of the diverse views and interpretations on early writings expressed by modern historians and experts. In such situations, it is very important for everyone to know as many expert views as possible. I say this especially because those who engage in divisive politics in Sri Lanka appear to gain strength on their positions from history.

For example, ……… (Reading from Page 16)

I took great pain to study these different expert interpretations, and I tried my best to give all the different opinions I came across. As a result, the book has a considerable number of notes and citations.

My main goal in this section of the book was to try and capture critical facts and events related to the crisis throughout known history. I am glad to note that Tilak Fernando, one of the reviewers, has said, this book is the most condensed historical text on the subject with the widest possible chronological data substantiated by a wide-ranging bibliography.

So, if your son or daughter or any one else for that matter asks you what went wrong in Sri Lanka and what may be possible for its future, you can always refer to this book. Let us look at few comments made by other reviewers as well:

 

  • it is a book that must be read by all Sri Lankans, living in Sri Lanka and abroad;
  • it is a text for constant reading for the present and future Sri Lankan legislators;
  • it is a book worthy of translation into Sinhalese and Tamil, and
  • it is a book to be read by anyone interested in identity politics anywhere in the world, meaning in any country.

 

Wow! I am deeply honoured by all these comments.

In discussing the factors that influence the crisis, I have brought up a number of sensitive issues that no other writer has ever dealt with. I think I was able to do this, as I had the advantage of looking at the crisis from here with a bird's eye view, free from any influence from the internal politics of Sri Lanka.

My discussion about the ways in which other democracies in the world address their ethnic issues will open the Sri Lankan reader's mind to numerous future possibilities, most likely, not thought about before. I believe that we all must learn from others' experience as well. I spent years and years trying to learn the governing experiences, both good and bad, in other countries of similar ethnic diversity. Chapter 4 of the book explains the different governing systems in a number of countries, including Canada, India, USA, UK, and SWITZERLAND. I found the governing model in Switzerland having most democratic features.

I like to read some related sections from the book … (Reading from pages 147-149).

After looking at how and why Sri Lanka is failing to address its ethnic issues, and the ways in which other countries are managing theirs, I have come up with a new democratic model of governance suitable for Sri Lanka.

I do not believe that Sri Lanka should just copy the governing system of any one particular country, Canada, Switzerland or any other as some seem to suggest. The governing systems in these countries have been designed to address their own situations, and are not without weaknesses. They too need to further improve. I have taken both the strengths and weaknesses of the systems of these and other countries and, indeed, the shortcomings of the present Sri Lankan system into very careful consideration, and designed the new model for Sri Lanka, based on the specific needs and aspirations of all its ethnic groups. I believe this new model can make Sri Lanka one of the best democracies, among the multi-ethnic countries in the modern world. At least, it can contribute to the ongoing dialogue among Sri Lankans in their efforts to establish a new system fit for them all.

I end the book by suggesting a way to implement the new model of governance in the present political climate. I have made this suggestion based on my personal experience, both within and outside Sri Lanka, as explained in the book.

With this suggestion of a new model of governance, I am asking all Sri Lankans to have an altogether new political beginning for their country. I have designed the front cover of the book with a traditional oil lamp in the middle of a map of Sri Lanka symbolizing this mission. The book explains why such a new beginning is required (see pages 179 and 180).

(Reading from 179 - 180).

Having said all this, I must say that conceptually, my message to Sri Lankans has not changed over the years. Even through the poems I wrote for Sri Lankan children about twenty five years back, I was giving a similar message. With your permission, let me recite one small poem from that children's book, for those who may have not heard or read it before.

RATATULA SITINA ………………

Before I end my presentation, I must say very clearly that my sense of appreciation of all the great things in Sri Lanka is not second to any one else's on this planet. The purpose of this book was not to dwell into those great things, which obviously do not need to change, but to identify and analyze what is going wrong there, that need to be changed, have to be changed, and must be changed. You will agree that if there is no change, there is no improvement. Improvements come about only if we change the way we are organized and do things. This is true whether it is our home, Friendship or any other association, or a country. So, if Sri Lankans want to make their country a better place to live, they must have the nerve to stand up for change. I think, I have done my little part in this regard by writing this book, and wish all Sri Lankans will have the courage and wisdom to join in hands to improve their country.

Finally, I must say that I am an author with a dream. It is a dream where all Sri Lankans live and work together just as one family, enjoying equal rights, freedoms and opportunities, in one of the greatest democracies in the world. It is a dream I had when I was young. It is a dream I still have. It is a dream I like to see come true before I die.

Thank you. Thank you very much.
I love you all!

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